AT PRELATE'S GRAVE, ALL THE OGRES COME OUT
by Joseph R. Gregory, New York Times, 20 August 1996
KIEV, Ukraine -- Every few days, Zoya
Gorpeniuk, a 44-year-old former secretary to
Patriarch Volodymyr of Kiev, visits his grave in
the sidewalk just outside the walls of the Cathedral of
St. Sofia.
She often talks there with his admirers and arranges
the flowers they offer in his memory and for the two
teen-age militiamen said to have been beaten to death
by the police at his funeral.
"Life was a challenge for him," she said, recalling how
Patriarch Volodymyr spent 20 years in Soviet labor
camps and endured years of poverty and exile. "Poor
man," she added, "his death has become a challenge
for him as well."
Perhaps nothing in Patriarch Volodymyr's life was
more contentious than the leaving of it. His funeral on
July 18, 1995, turned into a melee when riot policemen
blocked a procession of some 1,000 mourners from
interring him in the cathedral, which has been a state
museum since Soviet times.
The government feared that if it allowed the funeral to
proceed, it would be perceived as taking sides among
the three main factions of the Orthodox church that
are wrapped in a bitter quarrel for leadership here.
Enraged, the patriarch's followers ripped up the
pavement outside the cathedral and buried him under
the sidewalk as mourners battled police.
Videotapes of the riot were broadcast repeatedly on
television, and supporters and critics of the patriarch's
church still come to his grave to argue, carrying on a
dangerous quarrel that goes beyond religious
factionalism to reflect Ukraine's historical grievances
with Russia and the new nation's anxiety about its
future.
Kiev was the birthplace of Slavic Christianity in 988,
when Volodymyr the Great ordered his people to
convert, but the czars placed Ukrainian churches
under the control of the Moscow-based Russian
Orthodox Church.
After the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, Ukraine won a
brief independence and many Ukrainian believers
abandoned the Russian church to join the Ukrainian
Autocephalous (or self-ruling) Orthodox Church. But
that church was suppressed in the early 1930s. Stalin
permitted only the Russian church to survive, partly
because it was easier to control one church than to try
to stamp out all organized religion.
As the Soviet Union began to fray, so did unity under
the Moscow patriarchate. By the time Ukraine gained
independence in 1991, many Ukrainian believers and
even some ethnic Russians had joined the revived
Autocephalous Church or the rival Ukrainian Orthodox
Church of the Kiev Patriarchate, which also appealed
to Ukrainian nationalists. Patriarch Volodymyr headed
the latter group.
"He was the first patriarch of an independent Ukraine,"
said Maria Nikolayevna Sliozko, a 51-year-old
pensioner who was at the funeral. "It's unbelievable to
have such a site for the burial."
In July 1996, a conciliatory government paid to replace
the scarred sidewalk with a marble sarcophagus. Now
a white stone box stands incongruously at the edge of
the vast open square, seemingly misplaced under the
cross-topped golden domes of St. Sofia, a cathedral
that is as sacred to Slavic Orthodoxy as St. Peter's is
to Roman Catholicism.
"It's a sign that God did not accept that the patriarch is
not buried in holy ground," Maria Akimovna, 72, said of
the marble sepulcher. She declined to give her last
name but spoke of "evil forces" that denied him a
decent burial.
Several hard-line nationalists were present during the
funeral riot. Among them, witnesses say, were
members of the militant far-right militia known as
Una-Unso.
In an interview, Patriarch Filaret, Volodymyr's
successor, acknowledged that Una-Unso members
were present and "were helpful," but denied that they
had been recruited to force the burial. As government
officials negotiated with church representatives who
said canon law demanded that the body be buried
before sundown, the standoff grew more tense.
"Unfortunately, the people who were conducting the
negotiations were amateurs," said Anatoly D. Koval,
head of a government commission charged with easing
the frictions among the 70 denominations that have
sprouted here since independence.
As sundown approached, the frustrated mourners
began to bury the coffin in the sidewalk. Seeing this,
the riot police attacked.
"It was a total mess," Maria Akimovna said. "Suddenly,
there was tear gas and we couldn't see what was
happening." The next morning, she recalled, "the
square was covered with people's shoes, torn trousers
and spots of blood."
Patriarch Filaret said the Kiev patriarchate has won a
victory because, technically, the grave is within the
original grounds of St. Sofia. "Everyone who passes by
sees it," he added, "so now it is a source of
propaganda. It should make people think that Ukraine
needs this local and independent church."
That view infuriates his rivals.
"The entire incident was a humiliation of a person's
memory," said Volodymyr Sabodan, who as
Metropolitan of Kiev is the representative here of
Patriarch Aleksy II of Moscow, the head of the Russian
Orthodox Church. He said Patriarch Volodymyr should
have been buried in the cathedral.
"It was a bad thing to bury him in the sidewalk," said
Patriarch Dimitri Jarema of the Ukrainian
Autocephalous Orthodox Church, which briefly united,
then broke with, the Kiev patriarchate. But Patriarch
Dimitri argued that his rival should have been buried in
the cemetery, not St. Sofia. "Only those who commit
suicide are buried outside the cemetery," he said.
Zoya Gorpeniuk dismisses the notion that the grave is a
victory for Ukrainian nationalists. "Many Russian
people come here," she said. "They are very loyal to
him."
She said people come because Volodymyr was a holy
man who did not take money from the state during
Soviet times, or work with the KGB the way the other
church leaders did. "He had no official residence, or a
refrigerator or a television," she said. "Only books."
Copyright 1996 The New York Times Company