RUSSIA RELIGION NEWS


Jehovah's Witnesses as scapegoat for Russian war-making

THE CHURCH AND WAR

What role does the RPTsMP play in the formation of the militarist, "offensive" ideology of the contemporary RF and how is it connected with persecution of Jehovah's Witnesses?

by Ivan Preobrazhensky

Riddle, 23 August 2018

 

The Russian Orthodox Church does not speak out against aggressive wars. On the contrary, the RPTs has become one of the driving forces of Russian militarism.

 

Russia continues to be a state that conducts wars beyond the limits of its borders. In 2016, two years after the annexation of Crimea, political scientist Sergei Karaganov, the founder of the new policy of the Kremlin, declared in an interview with the German magazine "Spiegel" that "Russia will never again fight on its own territory." Thus evidently it now will fight on foreign territory. Moreover, it is often extremely far from Russia's borders, as shown, for example, in the recent deaths in the Central African Republic of three journalists who were trying to make a film about Russian military advisers and mercenaries located in that country.

 

This military activity naturally poses questions for the so-called "traditional religions" of Russia. Armed defense of its frontiers, its people, and homes has not raised questions in the Russian Orthodox Church for a long time. Orthodox clergymen traditionally pray for "her forces," mentioning in their prayers the rulers of Russia and the state itself. But how is one to deal with foreign operations, which clearly are not pursuing the goal of defense of the motherland?

 

In the 19th century, official propaganda gave to many wars the status of "religious," that is, aimed at defense of fraternal Orthodox peoples. But now military actions on the territory of Ukraine, in which Russians have participated, cannot by any means be called anything other than fratricidal. Regarding Syria, although the propaganda tried to speak about the protection of Christians, it is also difficult to say that this is a war for the sake of the rescue of local Orthodox, Catholics, or even monophysites. The religious character of the civil war in Central African Republic is obvious, but this hardly moved the Russian general staff when it made the decision regarding sending military instructors there, not to mention the employees of the private military company "Wagner," which, according to numerous witnesses, is "working" there.

 

Militarist "symphonia"

 

More than 70 percent of Russians traditionally call themselves Orthodox. In the 1990s, the RPTs spoke out with conciliatory declarations within the framework of a classical understanding of Christian values. In particular, against the "fratricidal" conflict in 1993 during the confrontation between President Boris Yeltsin and the Supreme Soviet of the RF, or during the first Chechen war. There was, of course, also a radical portion of the clergy, but they were marginalized within the RPTs at that time. It was the RPTs that actively supported the introduction into Russia of alternative military service upon conscription, in order to protect believers from the necessity of taking up arms which could violate their convictions.

 

However, after the death of Patriarch Alexis II and the election of Kirill as the head of the RPTs, the church's position began to change rapidly. Military chaplains, who originally appeared in the army to mitigate the morals and additional control, were turned into a structural subdivision of the Ministry of Defense within the RPTs. Active cooperation began of the RPTs with the so-called cossacks, that is, paramilitary organizations, many of which after 2014 participated in armed actions in the Donbass and in Syria. Military patriotic youth clubs began appearing in parish church Sunday schools.

 

In sum, in its current state, the RPTs fulfills only one of its social functions connected with military affairs, namely it blesses the Russian armed forces. In no way is it a peacemaking or pacifist organization, in contrast to many other large Christian churches of the world.

 

At the same time, it is not worth talking about which wars are blessed. Of course, considering that the largest church on the territory of Ukraine is the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UPTsMP), that is, legally a part of the Russian Orthodox Church, one cannot talk about blessing the fratricidal conflict. But there has not been direct discussion of the participation of Russians in military actions on Ukrainian territory on the part of the RPTs in all the four years of the conflict. On one hand, after the annexation of Crimea, the Moscow patriarchate did not want to reconsider the status of the Simferopol diocese, leaving it as a part of the UPTsMP. On the other hand, Patriarch Kirill never condemned those Orthodox who took up arms to fight in the Donbass, just as he did not urge the Russian authorities to refrain from participation in this conflict. On the contrary, Patriarch Kirill personally took the side of Russia directly, and of the puppet "people's republics," criticizing the Ukrainian authorities and certain "nationalist organizations." Thus, on the question of the militarization of the country, there has been complete mutual understanding between the current leadership of the RPTs, as a legal organization, and the authorities of the country.

 

The case with Russian Islam stacks up in a similar way, which is controlled and coordinated by several competing organizations, including the Council of Muftis and the ecclesiastical boards of Muslims (regional) inherited by Russia in the basic inheritance from the Soviet Union. Russian Buddhist clergy were relatively anti-war in their attitude and sermons, especially in the period of the first Chechen war. However the proven participation of Russian "Buddhists" in military actions in the east of Ukraine (which was not followed by any anti-war declarations) permits one to say that this religious confession (and the legal organizations that form its structure) also has not participated in the activity of the contemporary Russian anti-war movement.

 

There remain the so-called small churches and sects, including those that in Russia are considered to be "totalitarian." The most numerous of these, whose adherents categorically must not take up arms, are the Jehovah's Witnesses. In the course of many years this was the largest (and extremely wealthy) religious organization in Russia, whose adherents on principle did not take up arms and consequently they spoke out against military conflicts and participation in them by Russian citizens. A similar position is occupied by a number of small protestant churches, who preached on Russian territory. By a strange coincidence, in 2017 Russian authorities, with the support of the Russian Orthodox Church (although it maintains that the authorities did not consult with them beforehand), managed to get the removal of its registration on Russian territory of the largest anti-war religious organization—the Jehovah's Witnesses.

 

Jehovists as a form of opposition

 

Of course, there are several reasons for pressure on the Jehovah's Witnesses. This is also connected with the fact that this religious organization has many traits of a classical sect, in the negative sense of the word. In addition, the "military" topic is by no means the only one where the Jehovists enter into conflict with the government. The issue is also about a prohibition on "glorifying" people: it is forbidden not only to celebrate personal birthdays but also to participate in different state events. Finally, the state was very interested in the property of the Jehovah's Witnesses, of which there was a lot. Some of this property has already been confiscated.

 

Still, in the conditions of increasing militarization in Russia, it is the refusal to serve in the army that makes the Jehovah's Witnesses and other "objectors" to the army for religious reasons the natural opponents of the contemporary Russian authorities.

 

Pressure on those unwilling to take up arms is facilitated also by the fact that special services and law enforcement agencies now are spending a substantial portion of their time on searches for potential extremists among the most harmless "offenders," while avoiding the struggle with real criminals, since it is so much easier to earn a new rank, or apartment, or simply a bonus. In sum, several dozen and perhaps even more than 100 Jehovists, who have not ceased their religious activism, are now being turned into detainees or prisoners. Several of them have even already been recognized as political prisoners. The Jehovah's Witnesses' Russian website has been blocked by Roskomnadzor in violation of the law, as representatives of the organization forbidden in Russia maintain. Pressure is also being applied to other religious organizations, including Orthodox ones that are not affiliated with the RPTs.

 

In view of all these trends, one can predict that if the militarization of society grows, then the authorities will soon require of the RPTs direct blessing on separate military operations. It is extremely likely that the motivation borrowed from the nineteenth century will be used increasingly, with the supposed protection of Christians by the Russian army in various parts of the world. The number of criminal cases against anti-war religious activists will grow. And if this prediction comes true, then these repressions will testify that Russia does not rule out yet more widespread military actions outside the boundaries of its territory, requiring potentially greater mobilization for whose conduct preventive pressure on potential "objectors" will be necessary. (tr. by PDS, posted 23 August 2018)


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